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Good afternoon to everybody,  

Obviously, we started the day by assessing the developments in Russia over the weekend, with the aborted armed insurrection – I think this is the right way of addressing the events of this weekend. An armed insurrection that has been aborted, with the Wagner group as protagonist. The situation remains complex and unpredictable.  

It has been unpredictable since the beginning, and it continues to be unpredictable, and we remain vigilant and committed to a strong coordination with our partners - the 27 Member States and the  neighbouring countries. 

These events have shown that the Russian State, and Putin’s personal credibility, are being weakened - this is the least we can say - [and] that the political system is showing cracks. While we were facing Russia as a danger : its power represented a threat and the capacity of invading peaceful neighbours – as it did -, now it becomes a risk because of internal political instabilities and fragilities in a major nuclear power. 

First, it was a threat because it was strong and has force, and now it is becoming a risk because it may have entered an era of political instability and internal fragility. 

But the conclusion of our debate is clear, and I want to stress it: to continue supporting Ukraine, more than ever. To continue increasing support - all kinds of support and, in particular, the military one because [the] war is raging more than ever. 

We were updated on the situation on the ground by Foreign Minister [of Ukraine, Dmytro] Kuleba and we discussed about how to fulfil and give an answer to their immediate needs, and also long-term [needs]. 

We reaffirmed our commitment to support Ukraine, doubling down on equipment and training, so that everything is done in order to support the counteroffensive that Ukraine is doing. 

First thing: we adopted the much needed €3.5 billion top-up for the European Peace Facility (EPF). But immediately, I have to clarify that it is not just for Ukraine. It will cover all the activities of the European Peace Facility, including in Africa or in the Western Balkans and wherever we are supporting our partners. 

The adoption of the 8th support package to Ukraine is still not solved. I will engage personally with everybody in order to try to solve it as soon as possible because this support package to Ukraine remains vital.  

[There are] good news on the [EU] Military Assistance Mission [for Ukraine]: already 24,000 Ukrainian soldiers have been trained by this mission. And certainly, the target of 30,000 [soldiers trained] by the end of the year will be reached well before the end of the year. 

So, our support is clear, also in the long term.  

We will play our role in contributing to security assurances in the long-term, to help Ukraine defend itself, to deter potential future acts of aggression, and resist destabilisation efforts. We will continue providing military assistance [by ramping up our defence industry], through training missions and through technological transfers. 

But we will be looking for peace, certainly. For that, we will continue our global outreach to look for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine, in line with the principles of the United [Nations] Charter. [The meeting of last weekend in Denmark] has also been an important moment in which a conference tried to consolidate the support of our global partners for this just and lasting peace. 

We reiterated our support to the Peace Formula promoted by Ukraine, and look for [seek] the broadest possible support. This is going to be a big job, a great job for the [European] External Action Service (EEAS) - and for myself - to reach out around the world [for] support for Ukraine, and support for a fair, just and lasting peace. 

The following important issue we dealt with is European Union – Latin America and Caribbean relations. You know that we are going to have the Summit [EU-CELAC] in Brussels on 17 and 18 July. 

We consider this a strategic imperative. In this geopolitical context, we cannot just rely on our traditional ties. We need to take our cooperation to a higher level. 

We exchanged views on the New Agenda for Relations between the European Union and Latin America and Caribbean, which I proposed together with the Commission. 

We had a look at the priorities for the Summit: how to work together to defend the United Nations  Charter; renew our political partnership, finalise – or at least to push for the finalisation of – agreements; accelerate Global Gateway investments and to confront global challenges; green and digital transitions, but to fight against inequalities; to fight against drug trafficking; to fight against the high levels of violence in Latin American societies; to contribute to sustainable development; and to review international financial architecture.  

We will institutionalise a regular and structured bi-regional dialogue to ensure the follow-up and implementation of the Summit's deliverables. 

Then, we held our annual discussion on Digital Diplomacy [and] adopted Council Conclusions.  

It is clear that the digital space and control over technology is quickly becoming the most important arena of geopolitical competition. It is not just for the experts on technology, it is [also] an issue for the Foreign Affairs Ministers because it is a geopolitical competition which is going on.  

It is also connected with the economic security and how to protect the fabric of our societies and democracies.  

Today, security is a multidimensional concept, and digital is part of this economic security. 

We agreed on the importance of the European Union’s role to shape the global digital rulebook in critical technologies, starting with Artificial Intelligence. We have to continue being a norm setter, but for that, we need to be a leading technological power.  

We want to enhance and accelerate our digital Global Gateway offer, particularly in Africa but also in Latin America and Caribbean, where less than 50% of the population has access to the broadband. 

You know that we have been opened an office in the Silicon Valley and launching this Trade and Technological Councils with India and the United States. 

Finally, we had a long exchange on the Serbia-Kosovo issue. I debriefed the Ministers on the crisis [meetings] that I hosted with President [of Serbia, Aleksandar] Vučić and Prime Minister [of Kosovo, Albin] Kurti in Brussels, last Friday 22 June, to find solutions. We tabled a balanced roadmap on a way out of the crisis but, unfortunately, the meetings did not produce an immediate breakthrough. 

Member States – I want to stress [that] – underlined their strong concern about the continuing tensions in the north of Kosovo and stressed the importance for the parties to de-escalate, in line with what we put forward in our statement on 3 June.  

And in the last minutes, we welcomed the release of the three Kosovo policemen who had been held in Belgrade. Member States will take measures - if needed - in order to increase the leverage of the European Union and to support the Dialogue for normalisation. 

Let me stress that elections have to be organised in all four municipalities of the north with unconditional participation of Kosovo Serbs in these elections, and both parties need to show readiness to implement its Dialogue obligations.  

Member States remain ready to take further measures if no progress is seen. And they rightly underlined that from future European Union members, we expect a European behaviour.  

In the coming days, we will continue our contacts with both parties, but Member States are ready to be active and support our work. 

We also discussed the situation in Tunisia and the recent visit of the President of the [European] Commission [Ursula von der Leyen] and the Italian and Dutch Prime Ministers [Georgia Meloni and Mark Rutte]. 

We will support Tunisia in facing the difficult social and economic situation. We offered a comprehensive package of cooperation to support Tunisia that will have to be approved by the Council in order to increase the stability of the country. But also, this package will need to be adopted in respect for human rights – adopted by the Council, a [European] Commission proposal that the Council has to approve. But it has to include respect for human rights [and] the dignified treatment of all migrants. These are core obligations for our partnership, and this will be clear in our Association Council meeting, which I am ready to hold before the end of the year – the second part of the year, after the Summer. This is the right framework to tackle these issues. 

So, support, economic support, yes, but also requirements for a dignified treatment of all migrants and respect for human rights. 

Thank you. 

Q&A 

Q. I want to ask you if, besides Russia, did you discuss Belarus today, as well? The possible implications for the region if [Yevgeny] Prigozhin really shows up in Minsk, and would that be ground for more sanctions, in that case? And secondly, when you say you are ready to double down on equipment and training, does that mean that the training mission could perhaps be extended beyond the 30,000 target? 

For the second question, the answer is certainly yes. As I have said, even after the end of the war, we will have to continue supporting Ukraine to develop their defence capabilities - both industrial and military. So, it is a long-term endeavour. The mission is reaching very quickly the initial objectives, but the war continues, and we will continue increasing our support to the Ukrainian army, from this point of view and others. 

No, to tell the truth, we have not been taking very much into consideration where the Head of the Wagner group [is]. This issue has not been [discussed]. 

Q. I have two questions on the Belgrade-Pristina [Dialogue]. What should be the next steps for both leaders now that Serbia has released the three captured police officers? And you just mentioned possible measures from Member States to create more leverage over both parties. What would those be? 

The next step is to make everything in order to call for elections. We agree that elections have to be held. We agree that we cannot have mayors in their offices protected by NATO [KFOR] forces forever, [while] being elected with 2% or 3% of the census. This is not a sustainable solution. So, if this is not sustainable, it has to be replaced by other solutions. And the other solution can only come from new elections. And this is what the two sides have to do. Elections with the participation of the Serbs, otherwise it would be the same situation as today. This is the most important thing. If you want to be practical, the problem comes from having non [legitimate] mayors, occupying their places [positions], provoking demonstrators against them, [a situation] that degenerates with the use of violence [and] the mobilisation of troops. This is not something sustainable. It is clear. They agree on that so, let’s go, and implement it.  

And measures, we will see. Measures are political and financial. We can consider – well, the Member States and the [European] Commission – to can consider to take political measures, to limit political contacts and to put on the pipeline financial measures in order to tune our cooperation according to their behaviour. But they have to be measures – I told the Member States – everything has to be proportional, and it has to be reversible.  

Q. Vous avez souligné tout à l’heure dans votre présentation la menace d’une imprévisibilité politique en Russie. Je voulais savoir, est-ce qu’on a une stratégie au niveau de l’Union Européenne pour faire face à ce genre de situation, surtout venant de la part d’une puissance nucléaire ? Et ma deuxième question : vous avez dit que vous alliez tout faire pour essayer de contourner l’obstacle qui est posé, le blocage de la huitième tranche de 500 millions [d’euros] par la Hongrie. Or, j’ai vu un tweet des responsables hongrois qui conditionnent effectivement leur accord à cette huitième tranche à l’obligation pour la Hongrie [l’Ukraine] de retirer la banque qu’ils ont placée sur la liste noire. Est-ce que ça peut marcher comme ça, un chantage comme celui-là ? 

Vous me demandez si on a déjà une stratégie pour face à une situation d’instabilité politique en Russie. Écoutez, ça prend du temps de faire une stratégie pour faire face à une situation pareille, non ? On va y travailler. Tout le monde va commencer à faire des analyses sur les possibles scenarios de ce qu’il peut se passer mais, évidemment, en 24 heures on ne bâtit pas une stratégie. Tout simplement, et c’est évident, que maintenant la vision que nous avons de la Russie est tout à fait différente. Ce n’est pas seulement une menace parce qu’elle a la capacité militaire – et elle a montré la capacité militaire – de provoquer une guerre, mais c’est aussi une question de son architecture politique interne. 

C’est une affaire interne. Nous, on n'y est pour rien dans cette affaire. Mais évidemment, les causes et les conséquences, il faudra bien y faire face. Mais j’insiste : nous, on n’a rien à voir avec ça. On ne veut pas donner d’excuse ou de raison pour faire croire à l‘opinion publique russe que nous avons participé à ces évènements qui nous ont pris par surprise – on peut dire la vérité. Mais évidemment, il faudra faire face [et] faire des analyses des scénarios possibles et avoir la capacité de prévoir les réponses. Mais ça, on ne le fait pas en 24 heures. 

Pour le reste, oui, je suis vraiment désolée que la huitième tranche soit encore sans accord. Je vais continuer à travailler avec la Hongrie et l’Ukraine, pour voir de quelle manière on peut arriver à une solution qui débloque cette situation lamentable. 

Q. On the top-up of the €3.5 billion for the European Peace Facility. With the current level of spending, this money will be spent within the next 12 months, so it will not replenish the Facility until the end of this financial period. I know it is a special Facility that is not part of the regular budget, but Member States have started discussing the revision of the MFF. So in the context of this, do you intend to propose a larger sum, to make sure there is enough money for the tasks ahead and what kind of sum would be necessary for the next years until 2030? 

Justement pour ça, because it is not part of the European Union budget, the discussion of the European budget will be quite difficult. I think it is better to take the discussion on the European Peace Facility apart.

It is the Member States who have to take a decision. Ces deux façons, in a way very much focus on Ukraine. I do not think we have to make the discussion on the European budget revision [because of] this very specific issue of military support for Ukraine. Certainly more funding will be necessary. The longer the war, the longer the support, [and] more financial resources [are] needed. But I think that the discussion on the revision of the European budget will be tough enough in order not to complicate it further. 

Q. Just to follow up on the Kosovo-Serbia issue. A few times, High Representative, you have mentioned Member States being behind these policies, but could you clarify in what way are the Member States being consulted about this? You said again there could be financial penalties that would involve withholding money from Kosovo, that is quite a serious move. Is it at PSC Ambassadors level? In what way will the next decisions and possible measures be taken? 

Je n'ai pas utilisé le mot “sanction". J’ai dit tout simplement qu'il y avait des mesures à prendre, et les mesures seront prises par les États membres. Ce sont les seuls qui peuvent le faire. Et ces mesures-là, évidemment, vont toucher les aspects économiques de nos [relations] et les aspects politiques. Comment on va le faire ? On a des organes, on a des moyens. On travaille d’une façon très structurée ici. À partir de demain, le Political and Security Committee (PSC) va commencer à se pencher sur quelle mesure pourrait-on prendre au cas où, finalement, on n'arrivait pas à un accord pour convoquer de nouvelles élections. Le PSC va prendre - comme toujours, d’ailleurs - la température et va commencer à étudier les mesures nécessaires - politique et financières. 

Q. Après la réunion de ce week-end à Copenhague, est-ce que vous avez l'impression qu'une perspective de tenir ce fameux sommet sur la formule de la paix du Président [de l’Ukraine, Volodymyr] Zelenskyy s'est rapprochée, ou est-ce qu’au contraire les positions sont telles que les partenaires globaux, comme vous les avez qualifiés, ne sont pas encore convaincus par cette idée ? Et une autre question dans la foulée de ce que mon confrère posait comme question sur l'imprévisibilité du régime russe : Est-ce que les événements du week-end ne risquent pas de raviver, je dirais, les différences d’opinion entre les 27, entre ceux qui estiment que Poutine doit perdre la guerre et ceux qui s'inquiètent d'un scénario où quelque chose de pire arriverait après la chute du régime actuel, notamment en raison du risque nucléaire ?  

Écoutez, je comprends fort bien l'inquiétude que ces événements soulèvent. Je comprends fort bien qu'il y a un exercice de futurologie : “Qu’est-ce qu'il va se passer ? Comment faire face ?”.  

Mais, comprenez bien aussi qu’on n’a pas une boule [de crystal] pour savoir ce qu’il va se passer. Il faut être très prudent. J’insiste sur le fait que c’est une affaire interne à la Russie. On n'y est pour rien. Il y a eu un [assaut] militaire – militaire, non, parce que ce n’était pas l'armée, c'était un groupe armé, mais pas l'armée, il faut faire la différence. Il y a des gens qui ont des capacités militaires et qui se sont levés contre le gouvernement pour imposer des conditions, mais nous – j'insiste - on n'y est pour rien. Mais évidemment, ça touche le développement de la guerre, ça touche la stabilité politique de la Russie, donc ça nous intéresse. Ça nous touche, mais je n’ai pas vu aujourd'hui la moindre division entre les États membres, au contraire. Ces événements-là, ça a été un catalyseur de l'unité, encore plus. Tout le monde a dit : il faut continuer à aider l'Ukraine. Si ça a une retombée positive, c'est de dire, “Ah, vu ce qu'il se passe, il faut aider l'Ukraine à se défendre, aujourd'hui plus que jamais.” 

Sans doute, plus de travail est nécessaire. Je pense que la Peace Formula qui est présentée par le Président Zelenskyy a la volonté d’être une proposition ouverte, avec un caractère universel. Elle est basée sur les principes des Nations unies. Elle répond tout à fait à ce qu’on a voté aux Nations unies, mais il faut rentrer dans les détails opérationnels et, pour ça, je pense qu’il faut continuer à travailler. C’est le premier pas. C’est bien, c’est important que les pays qui ont voté de différentes façons aux Nations unies, mais pratiquement la majorité en condamnant l'agression russe, se réunissent pour voir de quelle manière on peut avancer dans la recherche de la paix. Mais évidemment, il faudra continuer à y travailler et le rôle du Service d'Action Extérieure de l'Union européenne, j'espère qu’il sera positif dans ce domaine. 

Q. Después de la reunión de hoy, no sé qué conclusiones han sacado en el sentido de qué manera puede Ucrania aprovechar esta situación sobre el terreno. Y en base a lo que ha dicho usted esta mañana, ¿creen que esta situación hace a Vladimir Putin más débil o cuanto más débil es su posición más peligroso puede ser él? 

Es una mera deducción lógica. Si tu adversario entra en un combate entre diferentes partes, es evidente que eso es una cosa positiva desde el punto de vista del desarrollo de las operaciones militares. Piense que de repente las tropas de Wagner han abandonado sus posiciones en el frente y se han ido a hacer otra cosa. Por lo tanto, eso para los ucranianos no puede ser sino positivo. ¿Qué va a pasar con las tropas de Wagner? ¿Van a volver, se van a integrar en el ejército ruso? Pues no lo sabemos, pero imagino que algunos se integraran, otros no. 

¿Cuál va a ser el papel de Wagner en África? Difícilmente Rusia puede prescindir del servicio que le prestan estas unidades mercenarias en varios países africanos. Difícilmente [Rusia] puede prescindir de lo que esta gente está haciendo en la República Centroafricana, en Mali, y en otros sitios. 

Por lo tanto, nadie sabe lo que va a ocurrir. Pero desde el punto de vista de las operaciones militares, si en un bando hay discordias internas, pues eso lógicamente favorece al otro - por la ley de la gravitación universal casi diría. No le puedo decir mucho más.  

Q. My question is again on measures Belgrade-Pristina. Can you please be more precise when it comes to measures? Will it be against Belgrade and Pristina? And for how long will you wait until you take further steps? 

Malheureusement, je ne peux pas vous répondre parce que ça c'est le travail que doit faire - comme je l’ai dit avant – le Political and Security Committee (PSC). Le PSC va commencer à travailler sur ce sujet. Évidemment, les mesures vont être, comme je l'ai dit, politiques et financières, mais doivent être proportionnées et réversibles. Et ça dépend [de ce que] les États membres vont décider. [Ce sont] les États membres qui vont les [prendre] en fonction des événements. Si on réussit à convoquer des élections, et ces élections se tiennent, et la population participe et on peut légitimer les maires, il ne faudra pas [prendre de mesures]. 

Link to the video: https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/video/I-242988